قد تكون الحرب مع حزب الله من الحروب الطويلة نسبياً في الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي إذ دامت ثلاثة وثلاثون يوماً، وبرأي البعض ستة اسابيع. ورغم طول هذه الحرب مقارنة بغيرها وبالقرار الإسرائيلي المعروف تقليدياً، بأن اية حرب تخوضها إسرائيل يجب أن لا تكون طويلة، إلا أن من أهم وقائعها أنها دفعت قرابة ثلث السكان إلى الشوارع هرباً من الصواريخ التي كان بوسعها الذهاب إلى "ما بعد ما بعد ما بعد حيفا!". وهم السكان الذين اعتادوا "الأمان التام" في الحرب حتى لو طالت. وهو أمان نجم في الأساس عن التفوق التسليحي (...)
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لماذا لم تؤثر الحرب على النمو الإقتصادي لإسرائيل؟
20 آذار (مارس) 2007, بقلم د. عادل سمارة -
1948 ne fut que le premier chapitre
19 décembre 2006, par Sylvain CypelLa scène se passe en février 1982. La paix avec l’Egypte a quatre ans. Ministre de la défense d’un gouvernement dirigé par Menahem Begin, leader historique de la droite nationaliste, Ariel Sharon est en visite au Caire. Comme à chaque déplacement, Shimon Shiffer, chroniqueur du quotidien populaire Yediot Aharonot, est du voyage. "Chaque soir, raconte-t-il, Arik appelait sa vieille maman au village. "Comment vas-tu ? Comment vont les vaches à la ferme ? - Bien, bien", répondait-elle. Et (...)
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Arabs to strike against ’wave of racism’
6 September 2009, by Roee NahmiasThe Higher Arab Monitoring Committee announced on Wednesday that it will hold a general strike next month in protest of the government’s policies.
In the meeting, held in Nazareth, it was decided that the strike will take place on the same day that the events of October 2000, which left 13 Israeli-Arabs dead, are commemorated. The one-day strike will include all sectors in Arab towns. This is a relatively serious move, since it has been a few years since the last general strike in the (...) -
Israel’s Constant Crisis
31 December 2008, by Justin RaimondoAs the Israelis continue to pound Gaza, killing Hamas cadre, traffic cops, and civilians alike, Americans shake their heads and wonder: why can’t they all just get along? Why must we be involved? The answer to both questions lies in understanding the peculiar nature of the Israeli state and its "special relationship" to the West, specifically the U.S.
Defenders of the Israeli government and its policies often complain that Israel just wants to be treated as a "normal country," like any (...) -
The Joke in Annapolis
27 November 2007, by Uri AvneryThe Annapolis conference is a joke. Though not in the least funny. Like quite a lot of political initiatives, this one too, according to all the indications, started more or less by accident. George Bush was due to make a speech. He was looking for a theme that would give it some substance. Something that would divert attention away from his fiascos in Iraq and Afghanistan. Something simple, optimistic, easy to swallow. Somehow, the idea of a "meeting" of leaders to promote the (...)
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Gideon Lévy : une épine dans le flanc d’Israël
18 décembre 2006, par Sylvain CypelUne épine dans le désert". Le 25 août, quand les médias israéliens n’évoquaient que le "séisme" généré par l’"échec" de la guerre au Liban, Gideon Lévy, lui, rédigeait sous ce titre sa "story" hebdomadaire dans le supplément du quotidien Haaretz. Un reportage à Shoka - "épine", en arabe -, un village miséreux de la bande de Gaza. En un mois, quand tous les regards se portaient vers le Hezbollah, dix-sept Palestiniens y avaient été tués par l’armée israélienne.
Gideon interroge les (...) -
Logique de purification ethnique à Gaza
6 janvier 2009, par Dominique EddéQuel est le bénéfice attendu par Israël, au terme de cette énième entreprise de bombardement, "Plomb durci" ? Sécuriser les citoyens israéliens. Anéantir le Hamas. Connaît-on un cas de figure ayant prouvé, par le passé, que la méthode pouvait marcher ?
L’opération "Raisins de la colère", accompagnée du massacre de Cana, au Liban, en 1996 ? Elle a renforcé le Hezbollah et s’est soldée par le retrait des troupes israéliennes du Liban sud en 2000. L’opération "Rempart à Jénine", au (...) -
The History and "Morals" of Ethnic Cleansing
6 January 2009, by Victoria BuchI arrived in Israel 40 years ago. It took me many years to understand that the very existence of my country, as it is today, is based on an ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. The project started many years ago. Its seed can be traced to the basic fallacy of the Zionist movement, which set out to establish a Jewish-national state in a location already inhabited by another nation. Under these conditions, one has, at most, a moral right to strive for a bi-national state; establishing a (...)
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Victorious, but vilified: Israel has ’destroyed its image and its soul’
18 January 2009, by Donald Macintyre, Kim SenguptaAfter three weeks of carnage in Gaza, there were tentative signs of a ceasefire last night. But the bitter legacy of the past 22 days for Israel is that, while it declares victory on the battlefield, the country’s reputation has rarely sunk so low.
Yesterday the United Nations called for a war crimes investigation after two children, aged five and seven, were killed when, it claimed, an Israeli tank shell hit a school sheltering some of the more than 40,000 internally displaced refugees. (...) -
Learning the Nakba as a condition for peace and reconciliation
5 April 2009, by Norma MusihThe Jewish people in Israel, or at least most of them, live in complete ignorance or even denial of the Palestinian disaster that took place in 1948, the Nakba. The Nakba has no place in the language, the landscape, the environment, and the memory of the Jewish collective in Israel.
Traveling in Israel, one may find signposts, landmarks and memorials that create and sustain the Jewish-Israeli narrative. Jewish-Israeli events that took place more than 2,000 years ago are celebrated (...)